To   prepare for this Discussion, read the Poitier et al. study and then    revisit what you have learned about your assigned step of the  research   process.

To   prepare for this Discussion, read the Poitier et al. study and then    revisit what you have learned about your assigned step of the  research   process. Consider what would be the most important  information to share   with your colleagues about that step. Together  the class will create a research plan for evaluating the rite of passage  program described in the assigned article.  APA Format
Article below,
Each member of the class will be assigned one step of the research process:

 Research methods

This  article approaches the treatment of addicted African American women in  ways drawn from traditional African culture. While the modern African  American woman is clearly not the same as her continental African  foremother, the reality of her life is still predicated on the basis of  her culture and her material wealth or lack of it. The approach  recommended here, a rite of passage, derives from the belief that the  value orientations drawn from the African wisdom of the ages offers the  best way to work with families to recover both sobriety and a powerful  understanding and repossession of culture that will help to ensure not  only sobriety but also ways of holding together and rebuilding the  families of today and the future.
Historically,  drug treatment programs have been less than sensitive to women and to  the cultural considerations that affect them, and women, as a whole,  have seldom received adequate treatment. Although opportunities for  women to receive treatment have recently begun to expand, in many cases,  treatment for drug addiction alone is insufficient. For women to  receive adequate care with sustainable results, it is critical that they  and their children be involved in the recovery process. With the  establishment in 1992 of the Women and Children’s Branch of the Center  for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT), a federal agency, it became  apparent that the family is the most powerful resource for the survival  of its own members [Amen 1992].
To  be effective, the treatment approach must explore uncharted waters:  family preservation as a primary factor in the treatment of  substance-abusing women. The inclusion of family members and the  understanding of the family’s cultural context, when taken together, can  be major deterrents to the protracted use of drugs. The withdrawal of  destructive substances can reduce the negative forces that have the  overall effect of disassembling the lives of women and their families.
The  rite of passage is an innovative approach to treatment for African  American women and their children whose existence has been marked by  family dysfunction and substance abuse. It is designed to assist  families recovering from addiction and addictive ways of living. It  offers a balanced approach, rich in African culture and tradition, that  empowers families to achieve the level of functioning necessary for  sustenance of individuals and the families that individuals make  together. The aim is to make families self-sustaining.
The rite of passage approach integrates four basic principles for a full human life, beyond mere existence: ( 1) Restraint, ( 2) Respect, ( 3) Responsibility, and ( 4)  Reciprocity. If incorporated into an overall recovery program, these  principles can inspire participants and their family members to make  personal life changes and to grow mentally, spiritually, and physically  healthy.
Since  the family is the most powerful interpersonal resource for the survival  of its members, effective treatment depends upon family preservation as  a primary factor in the treatment process [Amen 1992]. This article  expounds upon the thesis that an adequate prototype/model for the  treatment of African American drug-abusing women and their families must  proceed from a knowledge base of both cultural and gender-specific  treatment modalities, and offers such a model.
Family and Culture  
Drug  use/abuse attacks, at its core, the families of African Americans. Not  only does drug abuse lead to a suspension of attention to the  life-preserving mandates implicit in every culture (those learned from  history and the life-in-context of a living culture) but it also  undercuts drastically a family’s attention to the rudiments of communal  life that can preserve it as a unit. A number of studies [Mondanaro  1989; Chasnoff 1988; Nobels 1985] report that the quality of family life  and familial relationships are the victims of the plague of drug  addiction.
According  to Mondanaro [1989], the substance-abusing family is “characterized by  chaos, unpredictability, and inconsistency.” She also states that  children from drug-dependent families tend to learn to accept and expect  the unexpected. Thus, one can deduce that children exposed to drug  abuse and other self-abusing behaviors will themselves mimic what they  see, thereby continuing the cycle of destruction.
The  obverse is also true: Positive role-modeling, mirroring [Comer &  Toussaint 1976; Miller & Dollard 1941], empathie nurturing, parental  interactions, and appropriate expectations [Bavolek & Comstock  1985] are essential elements in the nurturing and rearing of children  and can lead to healthy, self-sufficient, and responsible adults.
Supporting  this belief is one of the core tenets of African philosophy: the  individual does not exist alone but rather cooperatively and  collectively [Mbiti 1969]. Thus, whatever happens to the individual  happens to the whole group, and whatever happens to the group has an  impact on the individual [Mbiti 1969]. This core belief is stated in the  adage: “I am because we are, therefore, I am.”
To  treat addiction in the African American community, and especially among  African American women with children, we must understand the spiritual  context of African life. Addiction is a pattern of behaviors that  undermine the physical and psychosocial well-being of the primary  addict. It also creates a correlative and respondent secondary addiction  that seizes and corrupts the entire family unit, as well as a tertiary  addiction that multiplies itself in all the interactions that the addict  and her family members have with the world in which they live. We must,  therefore, look at “family” in a much larger context.
Family  in the African American context does not necessarily carry a solely  nuclear meaning; it may refer to whoever resides in the “household” as  well as those who share an extended relationship within a given  community. Family may include a number of fictive relatives — persons  who are or become very close to a person or blood family and, to all  intents and purposes, are viewed as family and treated as such even in  essential features of family life.
Relationships  within the nuclear and extended families are guided by ethical  principles recognized by Sudarkasa [1980] and others in their research  into African kinship groups, discussed below. Here it is important,  however, to make the point that in the African context, the meaning of  family follows a design that, when overlooked, undermines the attempt to  treat addicted women who come from this community.
Aphorisms  such as “It takes a village to raise a child” and “If relatives help  each other, what evil can hurt them” are not taken casually in the  African context. They are indeed a constant reaffirmation of all  belonging to all [Leslau & Leslau 1962]. Kuhn [1970] describes a  natural family as an observed cluster of similar objects, sufficiently  important and sufficiently discrete to command a generic name, that is,  family. Comparatively, Akbar [1976] likens the African family to a  spider web in that one cannot touch the least element of the web without  causing a vibration of the whole.
The  separation and the mutual exclusion between the “drug addict” and the  significant others in close proximity is indicative of the lack of  understanding of the true meaning of key concepts like kinship and  collectivity in African philosophy. Many drug treatment programs are  based upon intervention strategies that continuously treat the addicted  mother as a monad, a single, singular being whose disease and cure are  located solely in the ability of the program to clean her up and refocus  her energies on the elements of life that bring her least obtrusively  to the attention of society, its mores, and its norms. This orientation  to treatment is inadequate to the needs of any person dealt with outside  of her or his culture. Its inadequacy and misplacement are dramatic  when applied to persons whose cultural orientation and instrumentalities  derive from the collective.
Unfortunately,  the intervention strategies of many drug treatment programs continue to  compartmentalize interventions into separate boxes marked “addict,”  “family,” “society,” and “underlying spiritual values.” These atomized  notions are clearly not empowering for women coming from a cultural  context in which strength, loyalty, oneness, and union are basic values.  These women are apt to resist the sorts of notions that come out of the  perspectives in which the African family is characterized as “weak,  disorganized, and vulnerable” [Moynihan 1965; Frazier 1932].
Family  is that entity in which the individual personality is nurtured and  developed. It is the place where responsibility to the group is learned  through observation and practice; where self-esteem/self-worth is  developed; and where respect, restraint and reciprocity are observed and  learned. These qualities, in addition to reverence and humility before  elders, are internalized through observation and practice. Family is the  place where obedience is learned and group expectations of the  individual are continually clarified as the individual’s mission within  the family and response to the family are made evident.
Family  is also that place where children learn important life skills, such as  compromise, negotiation, styles of showing belonging, and building  intimacy. Family is that living organism in which are enshrined the  vital teachings of the elders, whose wisdom and experience are the  living endowment of the ages.
Familial  relationships within the extended family must, therefore, be understood  and made a part of the healing process called recovery. It cannot be  emphasized enough that it is not the individual alone who must recover.  It is that total world, in which the individual addicted mother has  lived out the pathologies of addiction, that must be brought into the  recovery process.
Culture  is the way people are in the world. It brings together all things into  what becomes for them “reality.” Amen [1992] defined culture as a set of  ideas used to influence and change behaviors in people into refined  social qualities necessary to bring about a harmonious, stable, and  prosperous society. Hence, it is only with a firm grasp on the living,  moving, and motivating power of African culture that the addicted mother  and her family can be moved to choose sobriety and ultimately familial,  communal health.
It  is to culture then that we should look for those healing elements that  can be applied in the process of recovery for African American women and  their families. These processes must be carried out in tandem and they  must be animated and guided by a set of principles that are an age-old  value articulation of African soul.
Relationships  within the extended family are guided by ethical principles recognized  by Sudarkasa [1980] and others in their research into African kin groups  in indigenous African societies. These principles are consistently  identified from group to group and found among the seven principles of  Maat[ 1]  [T’Shaka 1995]. They are “principles of wholeness” from ancient Kemet  (Egypt) to which many African historians trace the roots of more  contemporary African indigenous groups. These principles are, as noted  earlier, restraint, respect, responsibility, and reciprocity.
The  traditional structure of African American families is obviously not  what it was 40 years ago. Each decade within the past 40 years  introduced some new challenge to the traditional family structure that  persisted in some form through and since the Maafa[ 2] period [Richards 1989].
The  1980s and the 1990s have witnessed such a change in African American  families that what were traditionally considered the family’s wealth,  that is, the children, are now too frequently given over to the force of  public assistance, which values neither the notion of family nor its  need to endure as a self-sufficient, self-perpetuating articulation of  African American humanity. We are witnessing the intergenerational  transmission of antifamily values. We are witnessing two or more  generations of families addicted to illegal substances. And we are  witnessing two or more generations of families who, as a result of these  addictions, are unable to pass down cultural wisdom. We are witnessing  families that are so dysfunctional that disrespect between parents and  children, between children and children, between both and the many  articulations of an invasive social structure, are the norm rather than  the minuscule variant.
The  depth of dysfunction challenges, at its most profound level, the  ability of significant numbers of African American people to pass on  “core culture” or even to experience family in the manner ideally  described above. It is balanced, perhaps, only by the powerful  embodiments of African American values in culturally functional  institutions in the community.
The  call of Sankofa, an Adinkra symbol and proverb from the Ashanti people  of Ghana, West Africa, has been sounded loud and clear, and responded to  by many among Africans from every walk of life in the diaspora. Sankofa  is represented visually as “a bird who wisely uses its beak, back  turned, and picks for the present what is best [seen] from ancient eyes,  then steps forward, on ahead, to meet the future, undeterred.”  [Kayper-Mensah 1978]. Sankofa tells one that it is not taboo to go back  and fetch what one forgot. It tells Africans in the diaspora to look to  their traditions to correct challenges that face them today. This  concept is applicable to the development of programs for women (and  their families) who are recovering from substance-abuse.
Prototype for Family Preservation  
Walker  et al. [1991] state that “parental drug abuse has led to a dramatic  increase in the national foster care caseload in recent years.” They  also note that an unprecedented number of African American children are  entering care. The essential interconnection between these conditions is  inescapable. Experts in the fields of child welfare and substance abuse  are clear that services in each of the areas are “either unavailable,  insufficiently brokered or uncoordinated” [Walker et al. 1991].
The  literature suggests that if relevant services and programs are not  implemented comprehensively, family preservation and reunification goals  will not be achieved as intended. It has also been suggested that  family preservation programs are basically ineffective intervention  strategies for treating families characterized by extreme poverty,  single parenthood, low educational attainment, and mental health  problems [Dore 1993]. Furthermore, many of the reunification programs  have been criticized for their inability to ensure the safety of  children, leaving them vulnerable to abuse and neglect, and exposed to  drugs and violence.
A  number of authors have attempted to measure, in its totality, the  influence of drug abuse on the quality of parent-child relationships.  Some have offered prescriptions for change [Taylor 1991; Chasnoff 1988;  Boykin et al. 1985; Edelman 1985]. Most often, they characterize these  relationships as chaotic and lacking emotional warmth. The prescriptions  applied, however, lack the characteristics of a reciprocal,  interdependent, and evolving relationship between parent, child, and  other family members, among whom are included all those relatives (blood  or fictive) who constitute the extended family support network. The  prescriptions also fail, on the whole, to discern what could have been  missing culturally so that, despite the best intentions of workers,  destructive familial behaviors remain.
The  passage from destruction to self- and family reconstruction,  regeneration, and resurrection, can be summed up in the phrase familial  recovery. Familial recovery can best occur for African Americans when  the recovery process is firmly and fully grounded in an African  perspective, integrating fully and meaningfully the traditions from the  African past, and also taking into full account the challenges that  African people in America have experienced and continue to experience.
Program Design  
A  rite is a formal, cultural, often religious, procedure/ceremony. It is  placed at critical cultural junctures to mark passage, on the one hand,  from one symbolic state to another, and, on the other hand, to grant  power and permission for the “new journey and responsibilities” required  of the person/s undergoing the rite. Five major rites of passage have  been identified and ritualized in the traditional African setting: rites  of birth, puberty, marriage/parenthood, eldership, and passage  [Warfield-Coppock 1994]. In the Akan tradition, for example, the  “Outdooring” ceremony marks the first time a newborn is formally  introduced to the village and given a name. From this point on he or she  is formally part of the people.
For  our program, the rite of passage is preparation of the individual,  within a collective framework, for the coming phases of life. In this  context, collective means that children and other family members are  included. This rite of passage approach responds to the profound African  belief that humans are fully themselves only as part of the “people”  (that is to say, the village, the tribe, the nation) and to the profound  realization that the essence of our existence as human beings is  grounded in our connection to the Creator, the ancestors, the cosmos,  one another within the construct of the family, and the community [Akoto  1994]. Some [1985] discusses the importance of the puberty rite among  his people in Burkina Faso. Some had left his village at the age of  four. Returning at the age of 20, he discovered that many of his family  and friends would have little association with him because he had not  participated in the ritual that would have prepared him for manhood. The  council of elders, however, permitted him at the age of 20 to  participate in this rite. The continental African section of Haley’s  landmark work Roots [1976], is replete with examples of such rites in  which Kunta Kinte participated among his Mandingo people in the Gambia.
The  family rite of passage approach encompasses and is designed for four  phases: genesis, initiation, passage/transformation, and Sande Society —  with four ethical principles found within the extended family structure  as enumerated above: restraint, respect, responsibility, and  reciprocity. The phases and principles are linked as follows: Genesis  (Restraint), Initiation (Respect), Passage/Transformation  (Responsibility), and Sande Society (Reciprocity). These phases and  principles are interrelated and overlapped.
The  overall objective of family preservation using the four principles can  best be achieved in an environment that fosters and promotes communal  living. The ideal environment consists of individual apartments equipped  with kitchens, communal group and meeting rooms, a fully equipped child  care center, recreational and exercise gym, a vocational training room,  a medical/health area, and staff offices. The surroundings promote  positive social interactions between families and decrease the  opportunity for isolation and functioning outside of the collective.
Upon  acceptance and admission to the program, each woman is required to  complete a seven-day orientation process to acclimate her to her new  surroundings, inform her of program expectations, and give her time to  decide whether or not the program is for her.
Phase One: Genesis  
The  Genesis Phase is a four-month period during which the ethical principle  of restraint is the primary focus. When a substance-abusing woman is  able to declare, “I want to change my life. I cannot go on this way. I  want to be a productive woman and mother!,” she is ready to face the  rigors of recovery. Each woman focuses on stabilizing herself in order  to function, first, within her family; second, within the treatment  center community; and, last, within the general community/society.
The  participant is required to begin the process of dealing with those  forces that led to her substance abuse. Only then can she learn to live  without abusive substances, and, only then, can she learn what restraint  means to a female individual within a family and within the larger  communities of which she is a part.
According  to Sudarkasa [1980], “restraint means that a person can’t do…her own  thing. That is, the rights of any person must always be balanced against  the requirements of the group.” This message is different from the one  expressed by a do-your-own-thing society. Because of this tension, the  principle requires discussion, examples, and a willingness on the part  of the participant to embrace the metamorphic process.
Emphasis  is placed on program requirements because group requirements and group  standards must be adhered to by all members if they hope to meet their  goals. This is true of all groups, be they familial, communal, or  political. Parallels between all these various group contexts are  consistently and persistently underscored in this approach.
In  the case of family, adults must not only live up to standards and meet  goals, they must also establish both standards and goals. They must, by  example, resocialize their children by living the reality that these  standards and goals aim to structure and preserve. These standards and  goals are, at their most profound level, nonnegotiable since the  perdurability of the family-and-group as family-and-group depends upon  their observance.
If  the participant’s former emphasis has been, “It’s my thing, I do what I  want!,” she may find that incorporating into her life principles of  restraint and sacrifice for the good of the whole may be difficult.  Hence, in the Genesis Phase there must be a focus on personal  development within the context of group participation and group bonding.  This is, after all, what happens in creatively functioning families.
During  Genesis, in addition to attitudinal transformation, emphasis is also  placed on detoxification, regular exercise, and nutrition. Individual  psychotherapy, and training in parenting skills, daily living skills,  problem-solving skills, and schedule-maintenance are all part of the  Genesis Phase, during which women are paired with another participant  until they are accepted into the Initiation Phase — the point at which  they are reunited with their children. This process is approximately 120  days or four months in length.
Shared  living in the Genesis Phase fosters group bonding, sharing, and  “kinship building.” Within the communal environment, each woman assumes a  specific role. She also follows a strict daily schedule that eliminates  “idle” time and increases productivity.
Rising  each weekday morning at 6:00 A.M. (8:00 A.M. on weekends), the women  participate in a guided group meditation from 6:30 A.M. to 7:00 A.M.  After meditation, they return to their apartments, dress, prepare their  own breakfasts, and clean up their living areas. Chores scheduled for  community areas must be completed by 9:00 A.M., when group  psychoeducational sessions begin. These extend to noon.
Afternoon  sessions begin at 1:00 P.M. and last until 5:00 P.M., when individual  therapy sessions and dinner preparation begin. Evening psychoeducational  sessions begin at 7:00 P.M. and end at 8:00 P.M. Lights go out at 10:00  P.M. weekdays and at midnight on weekends.
During  the first two months of Genesis, the women are not directly involved  with parenting considerations. Preparation, however, is continually  being made for that time when the children will arrive. Until then (the  second half of the Initiation Phase), arrangements are made for  biweekly, supervised visits with the children, depending upon each  woman’s progress during the phase.
Biweekly  case management meetings are held between each participant and the  treatment staff to assist the participant with matters of personal  development. At this time, progress is underscored and remaining  challenges recognized.
Group  meetings with the women in this phase are held twice weekly to enable  them to discuss their development as a collective. These meetings are  guided by the treatment staff, and together with reports from both the  psychoeducational groups and individual therapy sessions, help the staff  and participants to assess each woman’s readiness for the next phase.
Evaluation  of readiness for movement to each subsequent phase is conducted by  designated staff members and Phase IV women. Phase IV women constitute  the Sande Society Council. The process of movement from phase to phase  is in the tradition of the secret societies found among many groups in  Africa. The secrecy is expected to be maintained by each woman. If the  secrecy is violated, the penalty/consequence is determined by the Sande  Council. (For example, a woman found to have revealed information to a  noninitiate may have to defer to a Sande Society sister by doing her  laundry or cleaning her room/house for a period of time.)
Concomitant  with the movement of women through the Genesis Phase is the movement of  children through their Genesis Phase. Children of Genesis Phase women  meet weekly as a group to prepare for their transition into community  living. Transition meeting topics include discussion of the mothers’  recovery, approximate dates for mother-child reunification,  child-centered discussions wherein children are able to articulate their  personal trauma resulting from their mother’s substance-abusing  behavior, and sharing of coping strategies and techniques. The children  also undergo comprehensive developmental assessments to determine their  educational, social, psychological, and medical needs.
Phase Two: Initiation  
The  Initiation Phase is guided by the ethical principle of respect: respect  for self, respect for family, respect for staff members, respect for  rules, and respect for community. This phase, like Genesis, also lasts  four months, with the continuation of a strict daily schedule,  daily-living skills building, individual psychotherapy, communal living,  and collective responsibility for cleanliness. Central to this phase  are the concepts of womanhood, sisterhood, and motherhood.
Sessions  are designed to increase the participants’ awareness of their personal  developmental needs. Hence, continuing emphasis is placed on spiritual  counseling, academic testing, and the building of parental skills. In  this phase, a woman’s primary role as mother is rigorously studied in an  effort to foster the understanding that a woman’s needs and desires  must be secondary to her children’s development and nurturance needs.  The program strives to bring participants along the path of  understanding that a child’s development depends on the guidance,  nurturance, and direction provided by a mother. The mother must provide  clear, concise standards that are aimed at the commonweal, the welfare  of the whole: the individual, the family, the extended family, and the  community.
The  women are helped to identify and implement new methods aimed at  changing the trinity of the “me-myself-I” attitude dictated by  addiction. Emphasis is placed on building problem-solving skills such as  those required to work out daily living schedules for oneself and one’s  children. The collective living arrangements and community meetings all  require honest, open interaction. This group interaction significantly  advances the effort to change habitual attitudes. Attention is called to  the effectiveness of communication engaged in between participants, and  among participants and staff members. Special attention is directed to  the women’s interactions with, and responses, to their children.
What  might be called the “diminution of frenzy” (the tendency to respond as  if enraged), becomes a focus of parent-child interaction. Mothers are  shown ways to diminish the intensity of negative reactions to their  children, and to replace those negative reactions with purposeful  responses. Since the negative habit is learned, the achievement of the  positive habit of speaking to children must be preceded not only by  unlearning the negative but also by a perceived amelioration of  communication brought about by the positive. So important were the  expressions of ideas through words among groups in Africa that many  proverbs developed to remind everyone that words could be injurious and  nonproductive as well as encouraging and empowering. Consider the  following traditional African proverbs: “A harsh answer provokes strife,  but one who speaks with gentleness is loved,” and “Silence is better  than useless chatter” [Leslau & Leslau 1985].
In  preparation for reunification, women in the Initiation Phase are  required to participate in mother-child bonding exercises in the second  month. They are also scheduled to work in the child care facility with  other women’s children at various points during the day. The time spent  in child care is a learning experience and develops the understanding  that, although children can be very demanding, they can also bring great  satisfaction. The benefit of this experience is that women grow in the  awareness that they can learn or relearn the skills necessary for the  positive rearing of children. Anticipation of a positive outcome and  patience with the stumbles along the “growing way” can help them reach  the level of maturity demanded in the rearing of children.
The  halfway point of the Initiation Phase is marked by the reunification of  the women with as many as four of their children on a full-time basis.  The female children must be between the ages of infancy and 13 and males  from infancy to 10.
Preparations  are made with great care. They range from the physical disposition of  the living arrangements to the psychoemotional, sometimes hidden,  expressions of anxiety on the part of “recovering” mothers and children.  Examples of these preparations would include moving into a new  apartment and buying toys and food items appropriate to the ages of the  children.
The  mothers must also be prepared to deal with their fears concerning the  uncertainty of acceptance versus rejection by their children. It  involves a reassessment of their desire for reunification. In many  cases, there is also the intense, sometimes frightening joy at the  prospect of the children’s coming.
Staff  sessions with individuals and groups in the Initiation Phase focus on  self-help sessions, assisting the women to achieve some critical skills,  such as how to arrange schedules for themselves and their children, how  to make appointments with doctors and teachers, how to set up  parent-teacher conferences, and how to access and maintain medical,  academic, and social records. There is a possibility that some of the  women will feel overwhelmed by a sense of having to master many tasks  “seemingly overnight.” At such a juncture, the benefit of the group is  incalculable.
Reunification of mothers and children.   Self-esteem considerations must be a major focus of reunification.  Children may have developed the feeling that their mothers neither  wanted them before their coming nor cared for them after they were here.  They may have perceived the psychoemotional and physical absence of  their mothers as abandonment. It is not uncommon for children to view  their mothers’ return with some degree of skepticism. Reunion will  require, among other elements, the following steps recommended both by  the National PTA and the March of Dimes:

Learning to listen well;
Ability to get along by negotiation and compromise;
Establishment of fair and consistent discipline;
Making children responsible for doable tasks;
Keeping a sense of humor; and
Praising children appropriately.

These  steps, followed consistently, can build self-esteem and pride in both  parents and children. As the African proverbs remind us: “He who is  taught by his mother is not taught by the world,” “Children are the  reward of life,” “As you bring your child up, so will he grow,” and  “Without children, the world would come to an end” [Knappert 1989].
The  children, depending upon results from previous testing, may continue  their therapy and group sessions. They refer to each of the women in the  program as “Mama” followed by a first name. This is intended to  inculcate a sense of extended family. The older children, under the  watchful eye of one of the mothers and a staff member, are given  responsibilities for younger ones. The children attend school in the  neighborhood and are escorted to school by their mothers. They also  spend time among themselves, learning how to interact appropriately in a  supervised, safe, and nurturing setting where redirection and  relearning can take place when required.
Phase Three: Passage/Transformation  
The  third phase, Passage/Transformation, is guided by the ethical principle  of responsibility. Much of what began in the Initiation Phase is  continued, but with less direct supervision. During this third phase,  the women must determine what assistance they need to meet their daily  challenges. They must develop appropriate ways of asking for help.  Seeking assistance is potentially one of the major downfalls of persons  who feel that asking for help diminishes them in the eyes of themselves  and/ or others. The fear of appearing foolish or of being refused can  operate as major deterrents to seeking help.
Learning  how to “pass over” into the core of psychoemotional strength that  enables one to assess one’s strengths and needs is critical to  independent living. It is during this phase, then, that the women are  directly preparing for independent living with their children. The  coming together of mothers and children to operate as functional  families marks the real transformation.
Women  are involved with their own academic development in this phase. Either  in individual or small group tutoring, they prepare for the GED or  college entrance examinations. Involvement in their children’s  educational development is accomplished through their participation in  the PTA or other volunteer organizations at their children’s schools. In  addition to their work at school, the women may volunteer in a child  care facility other than the one their child attends.
African  history and culture field trips to places where the women’s explicit  knowledge of both can be enhanced are a major focus of this  Passage/Transformation Phase. Much of the substance abuse that  characterizes the lives of these women comes from a lack of  self-knowledge and much of the self-directed violence by these women  results from a sense of being without value. This is the result of  ignorance of the culture and traditions of African Americans.
Historical-cultural  sessions are conducted using videos and books that focus on the  achievements of historical personalities such as Harriet Tubman, Ida B.  Wells, and Marcus Garvey. These sessions serve as the starting point for  discussions of issues pertinent to the self-esteem of the women and  their children. In many cases, women are helped by appropriating history  as a starting point for developing parallels to their continued  enslavement by addiction. This may lead to the development of ideas  about themselves that foster their esteem for themselves and their  children, helping them to interweave their addiction in concepts of  continued enslavement and modern-day racism.
Volunteer employment.   Volunteer employment is the last part of the Passage/Transformation  Phase. Volunteer employment enables the women to develop a good work  ethic and appropriate skills. It is also an extraordinarily powerful way  for women to prove, implicitly, to their children that they can be  effective outside the home as well as inside the home. Responsibility  and accountability, both to self and to groups, are developed in a  setting/facility unrelated to the treatment center. That this can be a  lesson to and for the children is indisputable. Mutual respect is one of  its by-products, whose value cannot be overestimated.
Phase Four: The Sande Society  
The  Sande Society, as mentioned above, is the fourth and final phase of the  program. The program relates this phase to the ethical principle of  reciprocity. The title comes from the Bundu society in Sierra Leone,  where it is one of the aspects of its people’s highly developed ritual  for initiating adolescent females into full societal participation  [Boone 1986]. Entrance into the Sande Society is determined in the same  manner as entrance into the first three phases, with one major  difference: a private ceremony attended by each initiate-woman’s mother  and grandmother (if possible), female staff members, and the Sande  Society Council members. This private ceremony is followed by a public  ceremony attended by the women in phases one through three of the  program, in addition to extended family and friends of each initiate.
During  the private ritual, each woman receives an African name and Sande  Society beads and is symbolically reminded of the challenges of life,  while being received into the circle of womanhood. Each Sande Society  member receives a new bead for each year in recovery and participation  in the program. Sande Society members and women in the program’s other  phases participate in the public ceremony for each woman. The atmosphere  is festive, and the ceremony includes a short speech by each new Sande  initiate, an African dance performed by the women, and congratulatory  speeches by family and friends who feel inspired to speak.
Becoming  a member of the Sande Society is a great honor. As with every true  honor, however, it carries a major responsibility. Each Sande Society  member is expected to continue to work with the women in each of the  other three phases of the program, as well as to provide their own and  each other’s children with support and love. As Sudarkasa [1980] states,  “Reciprocity ties all together. Without the principle of reciprocity,  the other principles would not stand.”
The  first four months of Sande Society membership are characterized by the  participation of the Sande Society women in group activities held at the  treatment facility, individual and group therapy, and parenting  sessions. After this period, Sande Society members’ independence  increases and monitoring by the treatment center staff diminishes.
Officers  are elected by members of the Society. These officers make up the Sande  Society Council and preside over regular monthly “sharing sessions”  during which members discuss their progress and challenges.
Sande  Society members plan in several areas: social activities for  themselves, their children, and their extended families; and quarterly  empowerment dinners where successful women in varying phases of their  recovery are featured speakers. These featured speakers are also invited  to participate in the Sande Society: the circle is completed and shall  remain unbroken.
According  to Richards [1989], “African culture is amazingly resilient.” She is  undoubtedly speaking of the core cultural content that underlies the  many different specifics of African peoples. Despite the chaos of the  present, therefore, that would tend to disperse African peoples and  fragment their energies, African culture when attended to can be a  powerful call of people back to their spiritual and creative  core/centers.
Rediscovery  and revitalization of that discipline is what must be sought to arrest  the flight into patterns of intergenerational hopelessness and  helplessness. A program design, holistic in nature, based on the  traditions of African people, and inclusive of children, promises to  shape order out of chaos and send people onward in the journey of  healing for African American families, exposed to and affected by the  debilitating effects of substance abuse.
1  Maat is the cosmic, earthly, ethical, and social law that invisibly  guides the heavens and the earth, conceived by the ancients of Kemet  (Egypt).
2 Maafa is a Kiswahili word that means disaster. Proposed by Richards [1989] to describe the African enslavement period.
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